Laurence Butler- the life of a 1798 Irish Rebel: Laurence Butler- Ch. 11: Sydney Town before 1810, and Butler's first Pardon

Sydney 1802 by Thomas Watling

The “Sydney Gazette” -15 April 1804 gave a description of the Sydney at the time:

From the Returns made to His Excellency of the number of houses and inhabitants contained within the Township of Sydney, including the Brickfields, Cockle Bay, and Farm Cove, there appears:

Houses in Sydney, exclusive of the Military District 420

Military District 160

Brickfields 72

Cockle Bay 18

Farm Cove 8

Total: 678

Number of inhabitants, excepting the Military residing in the Barracks, amounts to 2100” [i]

The Surgeon on the ‘Minerva’, John Washington Price, wrote in his journal, a description of Sydney as observed by him in 1800, shortly before Laurence Butler’s arrival in 1802:

“The town of Sidney is situated on the face of a rising ground, fronting that beautiful basin of water the Cove, it is about one mile in length and half a mile in breadth and is improving daily, many of the houses are large, commodious and elegant, but in general they are small but neat and clean and exceedingly well suited to the climate. Instead of thatch which they first used, they now use shingles, made from a wood called She Oak, not unlike our English oak, which appears to a stranger, like fine blue slates, which with their being white washed, gives them an air of simplicity, cleanliness and elegance. Shingles as well as thatch not being found perfectly secure in case of fire many of the houses are now tiled, no slate stone being yet discovered in the country. The streets are large and commodious, the principal ones being 200 feet wide and traced in such a manner, as always to ensure a free circulation of air.

The publick buildings are not many, the cause of which is obvious as the publick buildings are built with lime, none of which can be found in the country except what they make of shells, of course, buildings of this kind must go on slowly.” [ii]

(Notably this quickly changed on the arrival of Macquarie in 1810, who set about constructing many fine public buildings.)

Price then goes on to describe the Governor’s House and its beautiful and extensive gardens and orchid, and the Lt. Governor’s house, the Barracks, the three hospitals, the Gaol, the Criminal Court, the public stores, the playhouse, the fort, two windmills, the light house, and the church under construction.

Of the Playhouse, he wrote: “The Playhouse is not large but is commodious, the scenery is good and the performers are not without merit; I am sorry to say they do not meet with encouragement either from the civil or military gentlemen or their ladies, many of whom prefer promoting scandal and debauchery, than a cheerful and innocent recreation.” [iii]

He continues:

“The houses of the officers, soldiers, settlers and convicts are built of brick, but laid in clay, which makes it necessary to build the walls of a great thickness, yet still they are not as firm as might be wished. Sidney contains about 460 to 500 houses and 2000 inhabitants but the entire population is about 6000, amongst which are 700 settlers exclusive of the number on Norfolk Island.” [iv]

However, by 1806 a survey of government buildings paints a very different picture of the state of the colony’s buildings-

The foundations of the Master Builder’s House had given way, the Watchman’s Hut was down, part of the walls in the Military Store had collapsed. The Executioner’s Hut needed new doors and window shutters, repairing, re-plastering and whitewashing. Part of the new bridge was already down and the other part was in a bad state. Government House was in a ‘rotten’ condition.

Following Lachlan Macquarie’s appointment as Governor in 1810, most government buildings would have to be rebuilt.

Many of the houses were also in an appalling state, having been roughly built.However, property advertisements in the ‘Sydney Gazette’ usually painted a rosy picture of the dwellings in the settlement:

‘Sydney Gazette’, 4/6/1809:

To be Sold. A capital stone building, corner of Pitt’s Row.

The apartments contain substantial dwelling house, well finished and thoroughly adapted to the accommodation of a genteel family; storeroom, pantry, spacious front area, extensive garden, a well, good kitchen detached, chaise house and stabling, and storeroom 28’x18’ built in stone.

To be Sold. Upper Pitt’s Row. 2 good shingled dwelling houses and kitchen with spacious gardens, a well, well stocked with lemon, orange and fruit trees.

By 1808 there were 19,388 pigs in the colony, many running free in the streets of Sydney, scavenging in the streets and people’s gardens. The following newspaper report described an appalling incident involving pigs illustrating how dangerous they had become in the town.

‘Sydney Gazette’ 23 September 1804:

“An infant experienced a fate the most distressing that can possibly be imagined. The mother placed the infant on a bed. After a short interval she returned, and … to her utter astonishment and horror, she accidentally approached the bed, and there witnessed a spectacle, the horrors of which are not to be conceived. The pig had by some means mounted the bed, and was then in the very act of devouring the child. The mother’s shrieks brought the neighbours to bear witness of the calamity, but alas! Too late to render assistance to the babe; whose face was torn to pieces and devoured; the hands of the ill-fated innocent were also mangled and destroyed, owing, it is probable, to its incompetent resistance. It had been given to the poor child, by a sponsor on the day of its baptism

The Tank Stream, a freshwater natural stream flowing through the centre of Sydney and emptying into Sydney Cover was becoming so polluted the government decided to enclose it and clean it up.

‘Sydney Gazette’ 16 October 1803

The enclosure of the Tank Stream, undertaken by Government, will when completed considerably improve the Town in its appearance, and render universal benefit in the preservation of its excellent stream. Every appearance of rubbish have been removed from its sides, and the crystal current flows into the basin with its native purity. A dam secures it from the heaviest falls on the side that lay exposed, and a high palisade will cut off all access to the stream, save from the superflux of the grand Receptacle.

‘Sydney Gazette’ 23 April 1809

Notice is hereby given, that the Inhabitants of the Town of Sydney, are expected to keep the Streets opposite their respective Dwellings in Good Repair, and the Footpath clean; and such Persons whose Premises reach to the Rivulet which supplies the Tanks with water, are required to keep their fences in a state that will prevent their pigs, or cattle of any kind, disturbing or rendering unwholesome the same. No washing, cleaning fish, or any other dirty work will be permitted to be done at the Tanks: Penalty for the first Offence 40 shillings; and for the second Offence 5 pounds, at the Discretion of the Bench of Magistrates.

John Washington Price describes the inhabitants:

“The most of the inhabitants have farms, they do not neglect their trade, by which and persevering industry, I know many who were convicts, to be now worth from £10 to £15000; There is a young man here of the name of Lord (Simeon Lord), he was a convict and is only 22 years of age, who besides having large farms, keeps a shop stocked with soft goods and Haberdashery of every description; he keeps the only bake house in Sidney and auction Room, and has now a ship coming from Bengal on his own account, both vessel and cargo.” [v]

“Their society is very small and even that divided by party quarrels. Their amusements are very few, and most of the gentlemen keep boats in which they frequently go pleasuring, and it is a very few who have not either a chaise of a curricle which they drive sometimes with a single and sometimes with a pair of horses. I have frequently seen a Mr Stockdale, an emancipated convict, but whose time is not yet expired, drive about here with a curricle and a pair of horses in a style that would not disgrace the finest street in Ireland.”[vi]

Of the convicts Price described:

“Their work was given them by task, by which they could have half the day or 4 days in the week to spare or dispose of on their own account, they received the ratio of provisions as the soldiers except spirits, and received two suits of cloaths annually, by this method the convict was satisfied and the expense of Government lessened. A man who conducted himself with propriety for two years or less was sure to be taken notice of, and many have received their freedom, by which they encouraged industry, and morality.” [vii]

Price complains that the recent indulgent treatment of all convicts by the present Governor (King) was undesirable- he had obviously been listening to the grumbles of the free settlers. He wrote:

“The case now is very much altered… the most abandoned and wicked will (if he has good oratorical abilities) get the same indulgencies; many are sent to work on publick account as usual, but more are permitted to walk about, no labour or service being required of them; this species of indulgence is not only bestowed on men who from their professions, education, and connexions, may suppose it is only what they should have; but it is bestowed on people who have made themselves conspicuous in murders, robberies, and every other species of villainy.” [viii]

For women, this society was even harsher. Men greatly outnumbered women in the colony. Homosexuality and sexual crimes against women, children, men, and aborigines were commonplace. The governors encouraged marriage between male and female convicts. However, many were still married to the wives left behind in their home country and lived in de-facto relationships in the colony. Rev. Samuel Marsden described these women as ‘concubines’ in his Female Muster of 1806. Laurence Butler’s friend and fellow Wexford rebel convict Michael Hayes wrote to his sister Mary in Wexford in 1802, explaining why she should not sail to Sydney:

“Even were you with me your life would be a solitary one, without you were to associate with Prostitutes. In this country there is eleven hundred women. I cannot count twenty (girls?) of that number to be virtuous. The remainder support themselves through the means of Ludeness, living with men without being sanctioned by the bands of Matrimony. This way of life was sanctioned by the Governors, from the first landing to this day. Every immoral act is practised by these unfortunate wretches. They have no shame. They talk as free of these lude acts as an ornament to their way of living. Little industry indeed is to be found amongst them. They are so accustomed to this lude way of life that the most severe punishments will not restrain them. I have been witness to some flogged at the Triangle. More led through the Town in rope round their waist held by the common Executioner and a label on their backs denoting the crime. The mode of punishment mostly accepted now is shearing their heads and ducking, and afterwards sent up to hard labour with the men. When I tell you of the fatality that attends these women that inhabit this colony, I must say there is some few that lead a more moral life. Though not married a woman of a virtuous disposition is a great acquisition to any man here.”[ix]

For the children of the convicts, growing up in this community had its hazards. The following account of an accident suffered by one of Michael Hayes’ children was recounted and commented upon in the “Sydney Gazette” 2 October 1819. What Hayes thought about the scathing comment can only be imagined:

“On Tuesday in the afternoon an infant son of Mr Michael Hayes, of two years, was nearly trampled to death in George Street, by a restive horse, which we understand the rider was breaking in. The unfortunate infant, with another of the same age, was sitting on a pavement, out of the public road, in front of which the horse began to rear and back; the rider lost all management, and the animal backed upon the children, one of whom miraculously escaped unhurt; but the other had the right shoulder broke; the left arm trod upon and severely bruised; and the belly also trod upon. Animation was for a time suspended and its return to life doubtful. With able surgical assistance, however, the life of the child is at present supposed to be out of danger. With no desire to add to the poignancy of feeling which must be natural to a parent in cases of this afflicting nature, yet it would be doing too little, barely to report the accident, without offering some remark on the causes which have very often led to similar consequences- the too frequent carelessness of parents, as it regards the security of their children. Burns and scalds, drowning in wells, kicks from horses, and every other species of accident to which infancy could be exposed, has furnished our columns with many a lamentable subject; and we know none that claims attention more than the suffering of infants to gad about the streets without a guide. In the lower part of George Street, which is the constant thoroughfare for horses, carts, carriages, and cattle, there are seldom less than from twelve to twenty little creatures exposing themselves in the middle of the street to dangers from which Providence alone could have defended them. We know of one child who in the space of nine months had both a leg and arm broke; which accidents would not have happened, had the children been kept at school during the proper hours, and not permitted to expose themselves in infancy to a miserable condition of decrepitude and deformity that may for ever unfit them for any other condition in life that that of mendicity under the severities of an acute bodily suffering. Public schools are by the benevolence of our Government established throughout the various townships and districts of the Colony; and how negligent of a child’s future happiness and welfare must that parent be, who instead of sending it to school, to be educated without expense, would suffer it to advance in age without any obligation to their parental care and concern; with no other mental advantages than those possessed by the aboriginal natives in their wildest state from whom their most material difference is that of colour and a more expensive way of living.” [x]

In 1800, food was plentiful, as described by John Washington Price:

“Vegetables of all sorts and fruits are plentiful here, but dear if paid for in cash, but these sort of things are paid for in property; such as rum, tobacco, sugar, tea etc. which renders them cheap for the shipping; the potatoes, cabbages, peaches, figs, apricots, pears, and grapes are the finest I ever eat of. Mutton is plenty as I is likewise pork, but beef is seldom to be procured, fowls, ducks, geese etc are in abundance but dear, but very few of the inhabitants purchase these, having all sufficient for themselves. The stock of cattle in the country is now very great, most of the free people having farms, on which there is a stock of cattle more or less; goats and sheep are tolerably cheap, but cows and oxen cost from 70 to 90 guineas each, and horses which are delicate and small cost from 100 to 140 guineas each.” [xi]

Not long after Laurence’s arrival in 1802, the Colony suffered a severe drought and many of the inhabitants were close to starvation. After a few years of food shortages due to this severe drought, by 1808 food provisions were becoming plentiful once again.

In August 1808, Lt Finucane described:

“Provisions of all kinds here are present abundant and excellent. The beef is exceedingly fine, and the mutton looks well, but its flavour is not equal to its appearance. The pork is better than either, and each sells in the market at 15 pence the pound, which is not counted dear. Vegetables are good, but not so cheap as animal food. Milk and butter are at most extravagant prices, the latter seven shillings a pound. Every article of wearing apparel (Indian Muslins, cottons and nankeen excepted), household furniture, in short almost every thing requisite for the convenience, comfort or luxuries of life, are only to be procured at an expense of 100 and often 150 per cent more than they cost in England.” [xii]

However, the period after 1810 brought much uncertainty to the local economy. In 1810 there was a poor harvest, a collapsed retail market in 1811, a severe drought in 1813-14, and a commercial depression from 1812 to 1815. [xiii]

Between 1788 and 1810, 9300 male convicts and 2,500 female convicts were transported to the colony. The rate of transportation markedly increased after this period: between 1811 and 1820, 15,400 male convicts and 2,000 female convicts arrived, and between 1821and 1830, a further 28,700 male and 4,100 female convicts arrived. [xiv]

During the period 1800 to 1810, the political situation in the colony, involving several factional groups, was quite volatile. There were several attempts by disgruntled Irish rebels to generate uprisings, in 1800, 1803, and finally culminating in the Castle Hill Rebellion in 1804, which was swiftly and brutally put down by Major George Johnston. Several of the Irish leaders of this rebellion were executed, and many others received cruel sentences of upwards of 1000 lashes. Joseph Holt (the Wicklow rebel leader, designated ‘General’ Holt) was implicated and, after being forced to witness one of these brutal lashings by the ‘flogging minister’ Rev Samuel Marsden, was sent to Norfolk Island as punishment, despite his guilt being unproven.

In 1803, fifteen Irish convicts broke out of the Government Farm at Castle Hill, and broke into several nearby farms looking for arms and food etc. Two of them, Patrick Gannon and Francis Simpson, broke into the farms belonging to the Bean and Bradley families at nearby Toongabbie. They proceeded to shoot one of their servants in the face with one of their captured guns, grossly disfiguring him for life, and then committed the outrage of pack raping the 18 year old daughter of James Bean, named Rose, in front of her horrified mother. When captured, the fifteen all faced harsh punishments, and these two in particular would be executed- hanged near the spot where this outrage was committed, outside the Bean Farm, supposedly so the Bean family could see justice carried out. Simpson had been transported on the ‘Atlas 2’, while Gannon arrived on the ‘Atlas 1’.

The ‘Sydney Gazette’ Saturday 5 March 1803 page 3 described:

They proceeded to the farm houses of Bradley and Bean at Balkham Hills. In Mrs Bean’s house they gave aloose to sensuality, equally brutal and unmanly. Resistance was to no avail, for their rapacity was unbridled.

Rose Bean would marry the convict Thomas Dunn within a few months of the rape and it has been suggested that she gave birth to a daughter, a result of the rape. One of their younger daughters, Margaret Dunn, would marry Laurence Butler’s son Walter, ancestors of author’s Butler family. The Bean and Bradley families were free settlers who arrived in 1799 on the ‘Buffalo’. Rose Bean’s father James Bean, a carpenter by trade, was contracted in 1811 to build the Rum Hospital, now comprising the NSW House of Parliament building and the old Mint Museum.

Governor King, who tried to reduce and control the usage of alcohol and alcohol distilling which was rife in the colony, was subject to several defamatory leaflets (called ‘pipes’), some attributed to Irish convicts, which so enraged him he tore up most of the pardons he had prepared in 1805, including those of William Davis (‘Friendship’) and John Butler (‘Atlas II’). [xv]

The Governor Bligh Conflict, known as the Rum Rebellion

In 1806, King was replaced by the infamous Governor William Bligh (of ‘Mutiny on the Bounty’ fame). Bligh was determined to stop the illicit alcohol trade, which was largely controlled by the military officers in the NSW Army Corps, branded the ‘Rum Corps’, including former officer and now powerful landowner John Macarthur, and Major George Johnston. The whole economy was controlled by this very powerful group. All had obtained large land grants, with free convict labour to work them, and all had engaged in the practice of importing rum. The settlers were compelled to use rum as their currency. Wages were paid in rum, purchases made in it, and Macarthur and the Rum Corps made their personal fortunes from their monopoly of the colony’s liquor imports.

Gov. William Bligh

John Macarthur

Bligh soon made himself very unpopular with the supporters of the Rum Corps, such as John Macarthur and many successful merchants such as Simeon Lord, and wealthy landowners such as the Blaxland brothers, etc. They found the restraint of trade imposed by Bligh completely unacceptable.

Simeon Lord

There was an increasing unwillingness of growing numbers of free people in New South Wales to accept arbitrary government. Bligh was, however, given support by many of the smaller settlers and emancipist farmers who had to deal with the powerful monopoly of the Rum Corps. Bligh made several major blunders that led to his overthrow. Following the trial of Michael Dwyer and several associates, charged with inciting rebellion, in which they were given the verdict of not guilty (in a court of law, largely controlled by the Military officers), Bligh overturned this verdict and sentenced Dwyer and his associates to transportation to Norfolk Island. This decision caused outrage in the community, and the legal fraternity. Bligh then made the mistake of arresting the powerful John Macarthur on the pretext that the captain of one of his trading vessels had smuggled a convict aboard and taken him to Tahiti. Macarthur and partner Garnham Blaxcell had to forfeit a considerable bond for this infraction, which Macarthur refused to accept, disowning the vessel. A battle of wills began. Bligh sort the support of the weak Judge Advocate, Richard Atkins (a reknowned drunkard), who in turn sort the legal guidance of emancipist lawyer George Crossley, a man despised by the Corps. When served with a summons, Macarthur ignored it and a warrant for his arrest was issued. However, Macarthur had the support of his former fellow officers in the New South Wales Corps, and this triggered Bligh’s final downfall. A legal battle ensued as the military magistrates tried to have the judge advocate removed, which Bligh refused. In turn, Bligh tried to have only civil magistrates appointed to the Court, knowing that Macarthur had the support of the military magistrates. Under pressure from Macarthur’s powerful allies, Major George Johnston released Macarthur from custody, marched his troops to Government House, arrested Bligh and suspended him from the function of his office as governor. Digging in his heals and initially refusing to leave the Colony, this action would eventually force Bligh’s return to England.

Lt Finucane wrote in his journal on the 31^st July 1808, five days after the overthrow: “Major Johnston asserts that it was the only step left to prevent a general insurrection with all its attendant horrors, which the Governor’s insupportable tyranny had rendered inevitable, and to save his (the Governor’s) life from the fury of an incensed population. He further states that Mr Bligh’s confidential advisors (except Mr Campbell a merchant, Mr Palmer, the Commissary in Chief, and Mr Gore, the Provost Marshall) were principally convicts of the most abandoned class, whom he avowedly and publicly consulted in the most important concerns of his Government. That a wasteful expenditure of the public stores, a shameful appropriation of the Government Stock to his own immediate uses, and the most unjustifiable and often wanton invasion of private property and personal liberty marked the whole progress of his administration.

That he formed and acted upon a settled plan of enriching himself and his confederates by monopolizing the whole revenues and trade of the Colony, at the expense of the interest of the Crown, as well as of every individual unconnected with himself, and of deterring or influencing the Courts of Justice from pronouncing any judgment in opposition to his views or wishes. In short, that the rapid accumulation of wealth by the plunder, oppression and ruin of the unfortunate colonists was the object of his unceasing exertions. Since his arrest he has been confined under a guard to the Government House and grounds, when his household establishment continues on the same extensive scale as previous to the event. He professes an intention of proceeding to England in his own ship the ‘Porpoise’, as soon as she can be got ready for him.” [xvi]

In the meantime, the recently returned Lt. Col. Joseph Foveaux, who reservedly supported Johnston’s actions, assumed temporary governorship until the arrival of Col. William Paterson from Van Diemen’s Land.

Lt Finucane concludes: Tues 3^rd January 1809: During the five months that Colonel Foveaux held the Command he devoted every moment of his time to promote the interests of the Crown and the good of the Colonists, and I will venture to assert that in that short space as much solid advantage has been derived to both as during the longest period of any former government.” [xvii]

One must remember, however, Lt Finucane, as Foveaux’s secretary and traveling companion, would have been heavily biased in his reporting of the events. Foveaux, who had been once in charge of the penal colony at Norfolk Island, had a fearful reputation there for his cruel and unjust methods of punishment, many accusing him of depravity.

The issuing of Pardons

During Foveaux’s time in office, he issued a number of pardons, particularly to Irish convicts, including a conditional pardon to Laurence Butler in 1808, “for his good conduct”.[xviii] Notably, many of his fellow Wexford rebel friends received absolute pardons. A conditional pardon gave the convict complete freedom and rights within the colony but was not allowed to return to their country of origin, unlike an absolute pardon.

Bligh would accuse Foveaux of favouring the Irish prisoners with pardons. According to Lt Finucane, he himself was instrumental in obtaining pardons for William Alcock (“his family and connections are highly respectable and previous to his transportation he was a Captain in the Wexford Militia.”), Matthew Sutton, “one of the clerks in my office- he was a lawyer in Ireland and banished for the same crime as Alcock. He is related to an intimate friend and brother officer of mine, which circumstance, with his own good character, induced me to interfere so effectually for him. The Colonel has also pardoned a person of the name of Michael Hayes, sent likewise on the same account from Wexford, who was recommended to his good offices by General Grose (in charge of County Wexford following the Rebellion).” [xix]

Finucane also discussed Sir Henry Browne Hayes “I was requested by some of my most particular friends, previous to my leaving England to interest myself for the unfortunate Sir Henry Browne Hayes. But I am sorry to say that all my enquiries about him have led to a result which must prove mortifying to those who felt so generous a compassion for his present disordered state, and which has rendered it impossible for me to serve him so effectually as I am sincerely disposed to do. His conduct, since his arrival in this Country, to speak of it in the softest terms, has been uniformly imprudent and indecorous. He has lately been exiled to a distant settlement, being the 3^rd or 4^th time of his banishment from Sydney, called Newcastle, where the most dangerous and incorrigible of the convicts are employed in working at the coal mines. His character forms a remarkable contrast to that of his countrymen who were sent here in consequence of the rebellion, who have proved the most industrious and useful cultivators in the Colony.” [xx]

Further pardons and land grants were issued by Colonel Paterson during the following year, 1809. Lt. Finucane claims to have also obtained pardons for Doctor (Bryan) O’Connor from Co. Cork and Fr. Harold (Dublin), and “Holt, Mernagh and Dwyer who were noted leaders of the Wicklow rebels in Ireland in 1798”. [xxi]

The pardons had been issued on the basis of prisoner’s petitions, which have not been preserved, unfortunately. As well, the issuing of many of these pardons appears to be related to whether the recipient had influential connections, or their merits were well known due to their positions working for government, in civil administration, or in positions of trust or responsibility. This applied to many of the Irish prisoners due to their high level of education and skills.

Laurence appears to have been associated with the protagonists in this rebellion, Macarthur, the Blaxlands, Captain John Piper, John Oxley, and George Johnston. These men were signatories of one or both of the two petitions of support for Major Johnston signed by 151 settlers on 26^th and by 82 people including the military 27^th January 1809. [xxii]

The first petition was also signed by seven Irish, including John Reddington (Irish rebel with a hotel in Pitt St), John Ahern (rebel captain of Wexford and deputy engineer, and business associate of James Dempsey another rebel), and Englishman John Connell (Laurence’s neighbour in Pitt St) all of whom were associates or customers of Laurence’s.

The main signatories of both petitions were wealthy free settlers, the military officers who supported Johnston and Macarthur, and wealthy emancipists such as merchants Simeon Lord and Samuel Terry.

The second petition also included Connell and Reddington. John Brenan of Wexford was alleged to be one of the group that drew up the second petition and solicited signatures.[xxiii] (Brenan was commissary for the rebel troops in Wexford). However, neither Brenan nor Laurence signed this petition, as they were not yet free to do so. Following Bligh’s removal, Reddington, a United Irishman from Roscommon who had been a distiller in Ireland, changed the sign outside his hotel in Pitt Street to the Harp without the usual Crown surmounting I, representing the United Irish symbol of the harp with its motto “It is new strung and shall be heard.” [xxiv]

Reddington, Ahern and Brenan received Absolute Pardons from Governor Paterson in 1809, as did Joseph Holt (rebel General from Wicklow), John Butler (‘Atlas 2’- a rebel stonemason from Carlow), and Wexford rebels William Davis, Fr. James Dixon, William Gough, Denis McCarty, Michael Murphy (from the Rower bordering Wexford and Kilkenny), Michael Hayes, William Henry Alcock (co. Waterford, but related to the Wexford Alcocks, and an officer in the Wexford Militia), and attorney Mathew Sutton (from Wexford; one of Fr. Phillip Roche’s officers). Sutton, Fr. Dixon, Holt, Ahern and Gough would return to Ireland.

Link back to Introduction:
http://butlerfamilyhistoryaustralia.blogspot.com.au/2012/08/laurence-butler-intro.html

[i] Sydney Gazette, 15 April 1804

[ii] Pamela Jeanne Fulton (Ed and transcriber), The Minerva Journal of John Washington Price: A Voyage from Cork Ireland to Sydney NSW 1798-1800, Melbourne University Press, 2000, pp157-164

[iii] Ibid, p159

[iv] Ibid, p160

[v] Ibid, p161

[vi] Ibid, p163

[vii] Ibid, p163

[viii] Ibid, p163

[ix] Michael Hayes, Michael Hayes, Letters 1799-1833, NLA MS 246 (copies in State Library of NSW and National Library of Australia, originals in Franciscan Archives, Dun mhuire, Killiney, Dublin.) Thirteen letters written between 1799 and 1825 by Michael Hayes to his mother, sister and two brothers, plus three letters written by F. Girard, Sydney (son-in-law) to Patrick Hayes in Ireland written in 1831-33, Letters to sister 2 November 1802

[x] Sydney Gazette, 2 October 1819

[xi] P. J. Fulton (Ed), The Minerva Journal of J. Washington Price, op.cit, p164

[xii] A. M. Whitaker (Ed) Distracted Settlement: New South Wales after Bligh , Melbourne University Press, 1990, p.56

[xiii]John Ritchie, The Wentworths- Father and Son, Melbourne University Press, 1997, p130

[xiv] R. Hughes, The Fatal Shore, Collins Harvill, London, 1987, p161

[xv] A. M. Whitaker, Unfinished Revolution: United Irishmen in New South Wales 1800-1810, Crossing Press, Darlinghurst NSW 1994, p.131

[xvi] A.M. Whitaker (Ed), Distracted Settlement (from the Journal of Lt James Finucane), op.cit, p54

[xvii] Ibid, p71

[xviii] State Records NSW: Colonial Secretary; [SZ760, p1346]; Conditional Pardon from Lt Gov Foveaux, 1808-09; Reel 6001. Butler himself was confused about who granted the 1808 conditional pardon. In his 1812 petition to Macquarie, he attributed it to Gov Paterson who relieved Foveaux.

[xix] A.M. Whitaker, Distracted Settlement, op.cit, p63

[xx] Ibid, p58-59

[xxi] Ibid, p83,96

[xxii] Historical Records of New South Wales (HRNSW), Volume 6, page 434 and 454, pub 1898.

[xxiii] A. M. Whitaker, Distracted Settlement, op.cit,, p173

[xxiv] Ibid, p173

Laurence Butler- the life of a 1798 Irish Rebel

Wednesday, 8 August 2012

Laurence Butler- Ch. 11: Sydney Town before 1810, and Butler's first Pardon

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